La col·laboradora (Clàssica) (Catalan Edition)

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Catalunya Ràdio

Previously I had jumping cursor problem therefore run virus scans, deleted a bunch of softwares and accidentally deleted internet access which I had to reinstall. I don't know if I touched some settings among all these to cause the attachment problem. Please Also Include: Operating system e. Internet Explorer 9 or Outlook :. Translated by Paul Sharkey. When he came to Barcelona back in November , Giuseppe Fanelli could scarcely have dreamt how successful his mission was to prove.

Those were five years of tough organizational crisis arising out of the failed general strike of The debate surrounding the general strike tactic had recently been raging in France and there was also some question surrounding the chances of its spreading across Europe and around the globe; in one erupted in Barcelona, sponsored by anarchists but boycotted by socialists.

The failure came as a hard blow to the anarchists, for whom the general strike was the corner stone of their revolutionary practice; consequently, what with reprisals and loss of following, the collectivist anarchism which ruled the roost in those days was brought to a low ebb.

This set-back did not stop the spread into Catalonia of the revolutionary syndicalism emanating from France. Although little mention is made of it, some sources point out that Catalan anarchists had earlier had some influence on the French model: on this point, historian X.

Into the SO flowed socialists, anarchists, syndicalists and republicans. So that they might all coexist with one another, the SO fought shy of any ideological label. That original vagueness, plus the presence of the socialists as a driving force behind the launching of SO, were to lead to misgivings and criticisms from the orthodox anarchists. Despite attacks from the libertarian orthodoxy, Anselmo Lorenzo and Francisco Ferrer i Guardia threw themselves into an enthusiastic campaign to encourage anarchists to get involved in SO, as indeed they would. On the other hand and thanks to some money from a substantial legacy, the educationist Ferrer had already funded the newspaper La Huelga General which started publishing in , plus the Biblioteca de La Huelga General series of pamphlets.

In fact his support for the Catalan central was one of the pretexts upon which the indictment that ended with his being sentenced to death relied; and a number of Lerrouxist informers were actively implicated in securing that conviction and sentence.

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Work began immediately on equipping the newly created organisation with a mouthpiece. Adopting the press model of the earliest Spanish IWMA [5] chapters, and, it seems, thanks to funding from Ferrer i Guardia, the very first edition of Solidaridad Obrera was to appear on 19 October It is our belief that its very first director was Jaume Bisbe, a close associate of Ferrer i Guardia. In addition to strictly news items, there was evidence even at this early stage of articles dealing with matters tactical and organisational.

This new paper soon came to be known popularly as simply Soli. In this context, the man who would soon become the director of Soli, the printing worker Tomas Herreros, played an ambiguous part. According to X.

Small wonder, then, that the war between SO and Lerroux and his goons was a long and bitter one. The recovery by anarchist forces proceeded against this muddled and turbulent backdrop. June saw the opening in Barcelona of the Ateneo Sindicalista, signalling that anarchists were increasingly coming around to the trade union option.

But those were troubled times and that very same month saw a revolt against the shipment of recruits to the war in Morocco. Seven days of fighting by the people, known as Tragic Week, would trigger a horrific repression.

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Besides, Soli was suspended. Paradoxically, after , when conditions in the republican zone looked as if they had never been better, the Catalan edition found itself the only publication carrying this name. Given the volume of disputes waged by the Catalan regional confederation of the CNT, some of them disputes of great political import, and given the news and organisational demands that these created, the Confederation was unable to cope without some propaganda organ of its own.

Backed into a corner by a number of suspensions imposed upon Soli, especially the more prolonged suspensions, the CNT of Catalonia was obliged to resort to a variety of solutions. Even during the civil war, Catalunya performed this supplemental function. Bueso is a good example of the ideological evolution triggered by the establishment of SO. Be that as it may, this is what Bueso hiding behind his pen name Orberosa stated in The organisation was soon grappling with the challenges of expansion and subsequent consolidation as it drew other agencies elsewhere around Spain into the fold.

To this end, meticulous preparations were made for the 2nd congress of the regional Confederation which was to meet from 30 October and 1 November , postponed because of the post-Tragic Week crackdown. It was held at the Palacio de Bellas Artes in Barcelona. Given the new circumstances, a fall-out with the socialists — who were unwilling to compete with the UGT, which was also organized across the state — became inevitable and they quit SO. As far as the evolution of Soli and its importance for the new organisation go, it is telling that even at the meeting reference was made to the need to turn the weekly publication into a daily, something that was only achieved almost half a decade later.

The history of the CNT as well as that of its mouthpiece would also be studded with closures and persecutions. In fact, as the first congress drew to an end, a secret meeting of delegates [10] took place at which a general strike a state-wide one, according to X. Cuadrat was decided in solidarity with the Vizcaya miners and in protest at the war in Morocco. In retaliation, a government ban was slapped on the CNT and publication of Soli was suspended.

Not until 1 May was another edition of Solidaridad Obrera to see the light of day. At which point, phase three of its existence began. The Catalonian Regional Confederation of Labour CRT rather than the CNT tried to revert to normal activity but by August that year the manufacturing sector went on strike and the regional confederation was suspended: the same fate befell Soli for two weeks. During , the CRT took on the hard slog of reorganizing the still disbanded CNT in which it would not succeed until the following year, at considerable effort.

In fact, external pressures and internal squabbling, exacerbated by endemic shortage of funds, made it impossible throughout the next 20 years to get any continuity in those elected to run the paper or in the many editorial teams or particular editors who were forever coming and going in the pages of Soli. The years of the First World War coincided with a resurgence of class warfare on the streets of Barcelona. As might be supposed, all of this had an impact on the life of the paper.

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However, during those turbulent years which would also witness the emergence of mass journalism, the Solidaridad Obrera project was consolidated in terms both of journalistic model and of perodicity, when it finally became a daily. Not forgetting the space devoted to all manner of theoretical and doctrinal contributions, often signed by writers of renown in anarchist quarters within and outside of Spain, and a range of pamphleteering in those days these tended to relate to the tactics of labour struggles rather than literary creation. Solidaridad Obrera paid especial attention to letters and articles from unsolicited contributors, as these poured into the editors by the dozen, creating an ongoing headache for those who, before they could be published, had to correct them until they more or less conformed to journalistic practice.

Together with Segui, Negre favoured the trade union line, a view that he often transplanted on to pages of Soli over the years, in which it was challenged by a variety of libertarian circles. So the tensions that would erupt so virulently in when they would trigger a split, were still around inside the organization. Within days of the start of that strike, several prominent CNT members were under arrest, together with the entire editorial staff of the paper.

Those were times of straitened financial circumstances for the paper which found itself forced to make space in its pages for hitherto unimaginable advertisements, including some from cabarets and other unlikely insertions such as those advertising first communion outfits. Soli was to find itself reduced to a single, two-sided page and its print run fell to 3, copies. Come August and with the prices of basic necessities soaring ever higher, a general strike was declared that in Barcelona acquired all the features of an insurrection.

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The army stepped in to snuff out the revolt and Soli was suspended up until the last fortnight in October. Borobio, a supporter of a general strike, if Spain were to plump for one side the Allied side, if the left had its way or the other. Things were not easy: any call for neutrality in the conflict was seized upon by republicans and socialists especially the latter as an excuse to hurl charges of pro-German sentiments.

After the scandal broke, the editorial team resigned and a commission took charge of the running of the paper until a new director was appointed in late November Knowing the capacity of the new press to mobilise, he managed to demonstrate the efficacy of his option with the campaign waged against Bravo Portillo. Comisario Manuel Bravo Portillo was notorious as one of the visible heads of the anti-labour repression during the years when the employers deployed their hired gunmen.

With the Sants labour congress in the offing, Bravo Portillo had to be neutralised: otherwise he would assuredly do his damnedest to prevent it from going ahead. Apparently, the comisario was passing information to the Germans regarding shipping leaving from the port of Barcelona and some of that shipping was later torpedoed by German U-boats.

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Over the ensuing days, this report was built upon and Portillo eventually wound up in prison. With the road ahead now cleared, the Sants labour congress was able to proceed as planned. To be sure, Soli proved vital in the efforts leading up to the event and to newspaper coverage of it and returned to its 4-page format for the occasion. The congress was to prove enormously significant, in that it was to lay the groundwork for the trade union model that would carry the CNT into its heyday.

In fact, the organisation swelled from a membership of , in to , in Barcelona accounted for some , of those members. The busy newspaper would be much talked about at the Congress. At the same time, the Organisation laid down the mechanisms for ideological and political control over the paper.

Those same rumours insist that there was a quiet competition between the two men. Agitation remained the keynote of Spanish political life. In response to a number of overtures, especially from Catalanist quarters, the Conde de Romanones suspended constitutional guarantees throughout the land. For no particular reason, publication of Soli was suspended in January The beginning of the La Canadiense strike in February that year required publication of several clandestine issues. Under pressure from the need for propaganda at such a dramatic juncture, and with publication of the paper on any sort of a regular basis impossible, the Organisation decided to relocate publication to Valencia.

The first edition of this Valencian run, which was also frequently harassed, appeared on 25 February Even so, between and in which year it resurfaced in Catalonia some issues would see publication. Susanna Tavera mentions Felipe Alaiz as director of the Valencian Soli, with Viadiu and Liberto Callejas as editors, but places its publication in To this day, this remains a controversial issue.

In spite of all these problems, the Confederation soldiered on.

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And phase 5 of its publication history began. Those were definitely the offices visited by Albert Einstein [19] on a visit to the city on 27 February , after he had mentioned the possibility in a number of CNT locals. What we do know is that Callejas was a bit of a bohemian, something he had in common with other Soli directors, of course. In he was to be appointed director of CNT.

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On 5 October, the [Barcelona] Local Federation wound itself up, though not without considerable internal frictions. On 13 October Soli was suspended, not reappearing until 24 November. By which point its print run had shrunk to some 6, copies. The paper was suspended yet again and, except for the odd clandestine edition, would not reappear until After that scarcely anything saw publication. But seven years of dictatorship failed to put paid to the CNT. But Solidaridad Obrera reappeared on 31 August whereupon phase 6 of its publication history began after an intense advertising campaign some 50, leaflets announcing the imminent reappearance of the paper were printed.

We reckon that the masthead design still in use today was created during this sixth phase; it is symbolic of the revolution in graphics at the time, and was for many years employed in the press and in advertising, but, be that as it may, we do not know who designed it.